Gov. Larry Hogan on Monday kicked off construction of the Purple Line rail to serve commuters in Montgomery and Prince George’s counties.

HYATTSVILLE, MD — Maryland officials on Monday held a ceremonial ground-breaking for the embattled and long-anticipated $5.6 billion Purple Line commuter rail project that will serve Montgomery and Prince George’s counties. U.S. Department of Transportation Secretary Elaine L. Chao attended the event, which came together when the federal government las week committed $900 million to the 16-mile light rail system from Bethesda to New Carrollton. The Purple Line will run east-west inside the Capital Beltway, with 21 stations connecting to: Metrorail’s Orange, Green, and Red lines; the MARC Brunswick, Camden, and Penn lines; and Amtrak at New Carrollton.

“The Purple Line project will be an important economic driver for Maryland,” said Governor Larry Hogan on Monday. “It will integrate seamlessly with our current transit systems, combining Metro and Amtrak, to provide more transit options across the region. Just the construction alone will mean thousands of new jobs for Marylanders.

Work can begin after a late May court decision rejected a lawsuit that questioned the environmental impact on birds and wildlife.

“The Purple Line is a great example of what can be achieved when federal, state, and private partners work together,” said Secretary Chao.

Coalition for Smarter Growth Executive Director Stewart Schwartz said in a statement in May that Metro ridership will make up a limited percentage of Purple Line ridership.

“The Purple Line is a badly-needed east-west transit connection for access to jobs and revitalization, and significant ridership will be driven by that demand, as well as the revitalization inside the Beltway that the project will spur,” Schwartz said. “We are also certain Metro ridership will recover as the system completes repairs and reforms. In an era of climate change, the most progressive transportation solution available is to build more transit.”

President Donald Trump’s team in January put together a list of 50 infrastructure projects, which was obtained by McClatchy, and it called for $5.6 billion to build the Purple Line. The line would provide a direct connection to Metrorail’s green, orange and red lines through 21 stations, plus MARC, Amtrak and local bus service, according to the report posted by McClatchy.

Construction of the Purple Line has a price tag of $5.6 billion and would lead to 5,000 “direct job years,” the report adds, noting that engineering is done, permitting is 95 percent complete and the funding would be a combination of public and private with a large public share.

Maryland is expected to pay about $3.3 billion of the Purple Line cost over three and a half decades, according to state officials.

To supplement state funding, more than $330 million in cash and contributions will come from Montgomery and Prince George’s counties: Montgomery pledged to pay $210 million, and Prince George’s County agreed to contribute $120 million to the project.

Ground was scheduled to be broken for the rail route by the end of 2016, state leaders said, with plans for Purple Line service to begin in 2022. The Purple Line would run through Silver Spring and College Park and would include five stops on or near the University of Maryland’s campus that would be free for students.

Stations for the Purple Line LPA would be at these locations:

• Bethesda
• Connecticut Avenue
• Lyttonsville
• Woodside/16th Street
• Silver Spring Transit Center
• Silver Spring Library
• Dale Drive
• Manchester Place
• Long Branch
• Piney Branch Road
• Takoma/Langley Transit Center
• Riggs Road
• Adelphi Road/West Campus
• Campus Center
• East Campus
• College Park Metro
• M Square
• Riverdale Park
• Beacon Heights
• Annapolis Road/Glenridge
• New Carrollton

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West-Group Management CEO Gerald Halpin, who saw the potential for what Tysons could become long before it emerged as one of the busiest submarkets for development in Greater Washington, died Monday in Jackson Hole, Wyoming. He was 94 and moved to Wyoming in 2013.

Halpin launched West-Group in 1962 with co-founders Charles Ewing, Thomas Nicholson and Rudolph Seeley. That same year, West-Group acquired 125 acres of farmland that would become, in combination with other rural land nearby, Tysons Corner.

“Jerry Halpin was a real giant in the Tysons development community and a visionary,” Fairfax Board Chairman Sharon Bulova said in a statement. “He was a true community-based developer and will be missed.”

The legend of Greater Washington real estate oversaw more than 12 million square feet of commercial and residential development across the D.C. region, including the West-Gate and West-Park office parks in Tysons.

Those office parks were modern for the time, though they did create the auto-centric, pedestrian-unfriendly Tysons that Fairfax County and West-Group’s successors, sparked by the expansion of Metro through Tysons and beyond, are currently working to undo. Millions of square feet of new residential and commercial construction are planned, much of it on the site of both West-Gate and West-Park.

Halpin recognized at least a decade ago that change was necessary in Tysons. The Coalition for Smarter Growth recognized him in 2013 “for his determined leadership in the transformation of Tysons, one of the nation’s most important redevelopment projects.”

“Without Jerry Halpin’s leadership, the new vision for Tysons might never have been realized. Tysons is the most important redevelopment initiative on the East Coast and Jerry Halpin is the most important private sector figure behind that initiative,” Coalition for Smarter Growth Executive Director Stewart Schwartz said at the time.

West-Group sold its Tysons portfolio, including 115 acres of land, to DLJ Real Estate Capital Partners in 2010 for $222 million in what the WBJ recognized as one of the best deals of the year. Halpin continued to keep his hands in the real estate business after that in varying capacities, including serving as chairman of D.C. developer Four Points LLC and hotel management firm Alexandria Management Corp.

An innovative new political coalition in Washington, DC, is trying to remap the contours of the urban housing debate by uniting poverty advocates, real estate developers, affordable housing proprietors, and urbanists under the banner of more construction. The idea is that by banding together, such a diverse coalition can defeat the blocking power of change-averse incumbent homeowners. This would free them up to stop fighting among themselves for scraps and start sharing the wealth that DC and other coastal cities can easily create by changing their approach to land use.

The specific occasion for the coalition is a scheduled rewrite of the city’s comprehensive plan, a guiding document that influences the decisions of city agencies — and most of all the Zoning Commission — in deciding what should be built and where.

But the underlying principle is applicable to a wide range of cities and political decisions. DC, like most expensive central cities and their suburbs, currently takes a fundamentally defensive approach to land use aiming to “protect” the most affluent and expensive areas from change. That leaves for-profit developers of market rate housing and builders and custodians of subsidized affordable housing locked in a zero-sum struggle for scarce buildable land, while leaving city governments straining under the budgetary cost of providing subsidies for those in need.

An alternative approach emphasizes the benefits of market-rate construction and the reality that allowing more of it in the places where land price is highest can reduce displacement, create new funding streams for subsidized housing, and ultimately provide the fuel for a more inclusive city.

A new coalition beyond YIMBY

Around the country, various YIMBY groups — a play on the old acronym NIMBY for Not in My Back Yard — have sprung up to advocate for more density and more market-rate housing development in expensive cities, backing candidates for local office and having some influence over state-level initiatives in California. YIMBYism has even gone mainstream enough to have its own conferences.

But even as YIMBYs are, in their way, obsessed with the price of housing, they’ve had relatively little success engaging the longstanding “affordable housing” communities that exist in American cities. Affordable housing advocates and especially those who build and maintain “affordable” developments are dealing with a population that is simply too poor to afford anything that would get built under anything resembling current market prices. Changing land use rules to allow for more construction would, in some sense, increase affordability in almost any expensive city. But it wouldn’t necessarily do anything to address the specific needs of the affordable housing population.

That’s what’s different about the new coalition, which united YIMBY urbanists like the Coalition for Smarter Growth and Greater Greater Washington with affordable housing groups like the All Souls Housing Corporation and the Coalition for Nonprofit Housing and Economic Development. Cementing the deal are several of the city’s big real estate development groups (EYA, Midatlantic Realty Partners), broad anti-poverty groups (Bread for the City), and the wonks at the DC Fiscal Policy Institute.

The basic glue holding it together is that what affordable housing groups really need is resources — land, money, and buildings that can accommodate a population in need of subsidy. And rather than fight with the market rate developers for a small amount of resources in a handful of greenfield or ex-industrial locations, they could team up to push for an expansion in the overall amount of building allowed.

A comprehensive plan that says yes

Perhaps the single most conceptually significant proposed change to the comprehensive plan concerns the drab-sounding Framework Element 218.3, which serves as an overall thesis statement for how the city looks at the relationship between development and affordability. It currently states that “the recent housing boom has triggered a crisis of affordability in the city, creating a hardship for many District residents and changing the character of neighborhoods.”

This perfectly captures the mentality of a defensive planning process and the kind of political coalition that dominates most coastal cities. The basic framework is that residents in affluent neighborhoods get to say no to new development (thus preventing the dread changing of neighborhood character), and in exchange, residents of poorer neighborhoods get to hope that blocking new market rate development will stop gentrifiers from moving in.

The proposed change inverts cause and effect, arguing that “[t]he recent housing boom is the consequence of rising demand. That demand has contributed to a crisis of affordability in the city, creating a hardship for many District residents and changing the character of neighborhoods.”

Prices rise, in other words, because of demand. And the question for a planning document is not how to prevent that demand from changing the city, but how to channel that demand in a constructive way that builds an inclusive city.

As David Whitehead, Greater Greater Washington’s top housing organizer, puts it, their vision for a new plan entails “reprioritizing the creation and preservation of affordable housing, and strengthening protections of lower-income tenants,” but doing so in the context of increasing the overall amount of homebuilding. The proposals go line by line through the existing comprehensive plan, attempting to strike defensive or exclusionary language in favor of welcoming new construction conditional on a degree of inclusiveness.

Big gains if someone wants them

The political impediments to persuading entrenched upper-middle-class homeowners to embrace any kind of change are large.

But the key to the emergence of new coalitions for change is the recognition that the possible gains from change are also very large. An eye-popping 2015 study by Chang-Tai Hsieh and Enrico Moretti concludes that constraints on construction in expensive metropolitan areas “lowered aggregate US growth by more than 50% from 1964 to 2009.” A separate paper of theirs concludes that getting the most constrained metro areas to relax their regulations not all the way, but simply to be as tight as the average American metro area, could grow the overall size of the economy by about 9.5 percent.

What’s particularly striking is that though these possible national gains are large, the economic gains to the specific high-demand metropolitan areas themselves would be even higher, since much of the increase in economic activity would be localized there.

Some of the extra economic potential generated would, naturally, need to go to expanding infrastructure and basic utilities to accommodate the additional people. But broadly speaking, increased development for high demand cities should open up vast new fiscal and economic horizons that can be used to finance subsidized housing or just about anything else the local community needs.

Decades ago, sociologists John Logan and Harvey Molotch theorized that for this reason, urban politics would be dominated by “growth machine” coalitions that united developers who wanted to build with politicians, who wanted to hand out goodies to their constituents. In practice, that hasn’t happened, and many cities greatly strangle growth, finding themselves locked in a politics of housing scarcity and budget austerity. But the logic of the growth machine is strong and in many ways compelling — if organizers can do the practical work needed to put the coalition in place.

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